2027 Funding Bill for the State Department and National Security Programs

What to know

• The bill funds foreign aid and diplomacy but does not list the total dollar amount in these summaries.
• It sets fixed aid levels for countries like Israel ($3.3 billion), Egypt ($1.425 billion), and Jordan ($1.65 billion), tied to conditions like peace treaties.
• It blocks funding for several groups and programs, including the Taliban, the Palestinian Authority (with a waiver option), the UN Human Rights Council, UNRWA, and the Green Climate Fund.
• It creates a new $1.5 billion 'America First Opportunity Fund' that gives the Secretary of State wide freedom to move money for crises and rival-country competition.
• It bans funding for diversity training, gender transition care for minors, and COVID-19 vaccine or mask mandates at the State Department.
• It adds many new reporting and audit requirements, aiming to give Congress more oversight but adding paperwork for agencies.

Heads up

8 buried provisions

Provisions we flagged do not match the bill's stated purpose, or repeat language from bills that did not pass on their own.

Section by section

1. Opening spending authorization

   This section is the opening statement of the bill. It says money will be set aside from the U.S. Treasury for national security, the Department of State, and related programs. This money covers the fiscal year that ends September 30, 2027. It does not list specific dollar amounts or programs. Those details come in later sections of the bill.

   Who this affects

   This affects federal agencies that handle national security and foreign affairs. It also affects taxpayers, since it involves government spending.

   Tradeoff

   This section sets up general funding without listing details, so it gives lawmakers flexibility but leaves readers without specific numbers here.

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   That the following sums are appropriated, out of any money in the Treasury not otherwise appropriated, for national security, Department of State, and related programs for the fiscal year ending September 30, 2027, and for other purposes, namely:

2. Pay allowances and vehicle rentals for State Department staff

   This section lets agencies spend money from this law on certain worker pay and travel costs. It covers special pay for hard duty locations. It also covers pay differentials allowed under federal personnel law. It allows hiring outside experts or consultants under an existing federal rule. It also allows renting passenger vehicles when needed for official travel. These are standard rules used in many federal spending bills.

   Who this affects

   Federal employees at the State Department and related agencies, especially those working in difficult or hardship posts overseas.

   Tradeoff

   It gives agencies flexibility to pay workers fairly and cover travel needs, but it also means public funds go toward extra pay and rented transportation instead of other uses.

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   Funds appropriated under title I of this Act shall be available, except as otherwise provided, for allowances and differentials as authorized by sub chapter 59 of title 5, United States Code; for services as authorized by section 3109 of such title and for hire of passenger transportation pursuant to section 1343(b) of title 31, United States Code.

3. Quarterly reports on unspent money

   This section tells federal agencies to report on their money every three months. Agencies must tell Congress how much money they have not yet spent. They must also report money they have promised but not paid out yet. The report must sort this information by program and by year. Agencies must send this report within 30 days after each quarter ends. The report must also show money tied to agreements with other countries that has not been passed on yet.

   Who this affects

   This affects federal agencies that get money from this bill. It also affects Congress members who track how that money is spent.

   Tradeoff

   This gives Congress more detail on unspent funds, but it adds extra paperwork and reporting work for agencies.

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   Any department or agency of the United States Government to which funds are appropriated or otherwise made available by this Act shall provide to the Committees on Appropriations a quarterly accounting of cumulative unobligated balances and obligated, but unexpended, balances by program, project, and activity

4. Public records for consulting contracts

   This section deals with money the government spends on outside consultants. Agencies sometimes hire consultants through contracts instead of hiring regular staff. This section says money from title I of this Act can only pay for those consultant contracts if the contract is public record. That means anyone can look up and check the contract. There are some exceptions. A contract does not need to be public if another law or a presidential order already says otherwise.

   Who this affects

   Federal agencies covered by title I of this Act, and consulting firms or contractors they hire.

   Tradeoff

   This rule makes consultant spending easier for the public to check, but it may limit some contracts that would otherwise stay private under other rules.

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   The expenditure of any appropriation under title I of this Act for any consulting service through procurement contract, pursuant to section 3109 of title 5, United States Code, shall be limited to those contracts where such expenditures are a matter of public record and available for public inspection, except where otherwise provided under existing law, or under existing Executive order issued pursuant to existing law.

5. Rules for building and securing U.S. embassies abroad

   This section sets rules for building and protecting U.S. diplomatic buildings overseas. It lets new embassy buildings include office space for U.S. Marines. It requires the State Department to talk with Congress before buying property or signing construction contracts for embassies. The Department must also give regular updates on building projects and report each quarter on money saved from construction budgets. The section allows funds to fix security problems at temporary embassy buildings, including guards and physical upgrades. It also allows money to protect "soft targets" like schools, homes, and places of worship used by diplomats and their families. Finally, it blocks funds from moving the U.S. Embassy to Israel away from Jerusalem, and blocks funds for any other U.S. diplomatic building in Jerusalem besides that embassy.

   Who this affects

   This affects the State Department, U.S. Marines assigned to embassies, diplomatic staff and their families abroad, and Congress members who oversee foreign affairs spending.

   Tradeoff

   The section gives the State Department flexibility to respond fast to security threats overseas, but it limits some choices, like embassy location in Jerusalem, and requires extra reporting that could slow down construction decisions.

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   None of the funds appropriated or otherwise made available by this Act may be used— (1) to move the United States embassy to the State of Israel to a location other than Jerusalem; or (2) for a United States Embassy, Consulate General, or any other diplomatic facility in Jerusalem other than the United States Embassy to the State of Israel.

6. Paying for staff cuts without new money

   This section covers agencies funded under title I of the bill. Congress is cutting some of their funding. If cutting jobs or changing staff costs money, the agency must pay for it. They must use money they already have. They cannot ask for extra funds. Agencies can move money between accounts to cover these costs. This is on top of any other rules that let them move money. But any money moved this way counts as a "reprogramming." That means the agency must follow the usual reporting rules in section 7015.

   Who this affects

   Federal agencies funded under title I of this act, and their employees affected by staffing changes.

   Tradeoff

   Agencies get flexibility to move money for staffing costs, but they must absorb those costs from existing funds instead of getting new money, which could squeeze other programs.

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   Any costs incurred by a department or agency funded under title I of this Act resulting from personnel actions taken in response to funding reductions included in this Act shall be absorbed within the total budgetary resources available under title I to such department or agency

7. Ban on domestic propaganda spending

   This section stops agencies from using this law's money for publicity or propaganda inside the United States. This only applies if Congress did not already approve the spending before this law passed. There is one exception. Up to $25,000 can be used for a specific older law from 1980. That law deals with international security and development cooperation programs.

   Who this affects

   Federal agencies that receive money from this law, especially those running public communication or information programs.

   Tradeoff

   This rule limits how agencies can spread information to the public, which can prevent misuse of funds but also may restrict some helpful public outreach.

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   No part of any appropriation contained in this Act shall be used for publicity or propaganda purposes within the United States not authorized before enactment of this Act by Congress: Provided, That up to $25,000 may be made available to carry out the provisions of section 316 of the International Security and Development Cooperation Act of 1980

8. No direct aid to Cuba, North Korea, or Iran

   This section blocks certain funds from going to the governments of Cuba, North Korea, or Iran. The money comes from parts of this bill called titles III through VI. It cannot be used to give these governments direct aid or reparations. This also covers loans, credit, insurance, and guarantees from the Export-Import Bank. The Export-Import Bank helps American companies sell goods overseas.

   Who this affects

   This affects the governments of Cuba, North Korea, and Iran. It also affects U.S. agencies that manage foreign aid and export financing.

   Tradeoff

   This rule limits U.S. financial support to these three governments, but it may also limit tools the U.S. could use for diplomacy or economic deals with them.

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   None of the funds appropriated or otherwise made available pursuant to titles III through VI of this Act shall be obligated or expended to finance directly any assistance or reparations for the governments of Cuba, North Korea, or Iran

9. Cutting off aid after a military coup

   This section stops U.S. foreign aid to a country's government if its elected leader is removed in a military coup. The rule covers money from several parts of this law. Aid can start again if the Secretary of State tells Congress that a new elected government has taken power. The rule does not block aid meant to support elections or a return to democracy. The Secretary of State can also waive this rule for a specific program. To do that, the Secretary must say the waiver protects U.S. national security. Congress must be told about any waiver or restart of aid before it happens.

   Who this affects

   Foreign governments that receive U.S. aid, especially ones taken over by a coup. It also affects the Secretary of State and Congress, who oversee this process.

   Tradeoff

   The rule can pressure coup leaders by cutting aid, but the waiver lets the government keep funding flowing if officials decide it serves U.S. interests.

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   None of the funds appropriated or otherwise made available pursuant to titles III through VI of this Act shall be obligated or expended to finance directly any assistance to the government of any country whose duly elected head of government is deposed by military coup d'état or decree

10. Moving money between State Department accounts

    This section lets the State Department shift money between different budget accounts under certain limits. Normally, up to 5 percent of an account can move to another account. No account can grow by more than 10 percent from these moves. Extra rules allow larger transfers for embassy security, emergency evacuations, and building upgrades. Some transfers need advance notice to Congress. Others need approval first. The section also limits how funds move between different federal agencies. It requires audits when money transfers to another agency. These audits must be reported back to Congress.

    Who this affects

    The State Department, other federal agencies receiving transferred funds, and Congress's appropriations committees, which oversee the transfers.

    Tradeoff

    This gives the State Department flexibility to move money quickly for security or emergencies, but it limits how much can shift and requires Congress to be told or asked first.

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    Not to exceed 5 percent of any appropriation made available for the current fiscal year for the Department of State under title I of this Act may be transferred between, and merged with, such appropriations, but no such appropriation, except as otherwise specifically provided, shall be increased by more than 10 percent by any such transfers

11. Rules on travel, internet use, email, and spending

    This section sets several rules for how government money can be used. It bans using funds for first-class travel, unless federal travel rules allow it. It requires agency computer networks to block sexually explicit websites, but allows exceptions for law enforcement work. It asks the Secretary of State to explain why the State Department missed a 2024 deadline about tobacco guidance, and why a related report was late. It blocks money from being used for email accounts or servers outside the .gov system, to protect government records rules. It also limits spending on entertainment and representation events. Such events must serve official business, not just be for staff, and must not be recreational. Finally, it bans buying alcohol or paying for recreational activities like sports events, concerts, or amusement parks with certain program funds.

    Who this affects

    Federal employees and agencies funded by this act, especially the State Department, Treasury, and related foreign affairs programs.

    Tradeoff

    These rules aim to prevent wasteful or improper spending, but they add extra reporting steps and limit some flexibility for agency staff and diplomatic activities.

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    None of the funds made available by this Act may be used for first-class travel by employees of United States Government departments and agencies funded by this Act in contravention of section 301–10.122 through 301–10.124 of title 41, Code of Federal Regulations.

12. Tracking and reporting on foreign aid programs

    This section asks the Secretary of State to send Congress a report within 180 days. The report must explain how a multi-year plan to improve foreign aid is going. It must show feedback from people who get the aid. It must set rules for checking and watching aid programs. It must list countries or programs that need extra oversight because of risk. It also must show staffing levels used to manage foreign aid. The section requires groups giving out aid to collect regular feedback from the people they help. It sets aside at least $15,000,000 for studies that check if aid programs actually work. It also funds updates to a public website that shows details on U.S. foreign aid spending.

    Who this affects

    This affects the State Department, foreign aid agencies, groups that carry out aid programs, and people in other countries who receive U.S. assistance. It also affects Congress members who review the reports.

    Tradeoff

    More reporting and evaluation can make aid programs more accountable and effective, but it also adds paperwork and costs that could slow down or reduce direct aid delivery.

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    Of the funds appropriated by this Act under titles III and IV, not less than $15,000,000, to remain available until expended, shall be made available for impact evaluations, including ex-post evaluations, of the effectiveness and sustainability of United States Government foreign assistance programs

13. Blocking aid to countries that don't pay back U.S. loans

    This section stops the government from giving foreign aid money to a country's government under this Act. This happens if that country is more than one year late paying back a U.S. loan. It applies to loans made under programs funded by this Act, in titles III through VI. There is an exception. The President can still allow the aid. He must first talk with Congress's Appropriations Committees. He must decide that helping the country is in the U.S. national interest.

    Who this affects

    Foreign governments that owe the U.S. money on loans, and the U.S. agencies that manage foreign aid programs under this Act.

    Tradeoff

    This rule pushes countries to repay U.S. loans on time, but it can cut off aid to a country even when other reasons might still support helping it.

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    No part of any appropriation provided under titles III through VI in this Act shall be used to furnish assistance to the government of any country which is in default during a period in excess of 1 calendar year in payment to the United States of principal or interest on any loan made to the government of such country by the United States pursuant to a program for which funds are appropriated under this Act unless the President determines, following consultation with the Committees on Appropriations, that assistance for such country is in the national interest of the United States.

14. No taxes on U.S. foreign aid

    This section stops U.S. aid money from being taxed by foreign governments. New aid agreements must say that U.S. assistance is tax-free, or the foreign government must pay back any taxes charged. If a country taxes U.S. aid and does not repay the amount, the government will hold back future aid equal to twice the taxes charged. This does not apply to very small tax amounts. Any withheld aid money gets sent to other countries that do not tax U.S. aid, or that pay back taxes well. The Secretary of State can excuse a country from these rules. This happens if the country already repays taxes fairly, or if U.S. foreign policy goals are more important than collecting the money back. The Secretary must tell Congress at least 15 days before granting this exception. The rules cover taxes like value added taxes and customs duties, but not income taxes on local employees.

    Who this affects

    Foreign governments that receive U.S. aid, U.S. aid agencies, and the State Department, which must track and enforce tax rules.

    Tradeoff

    This section protects U.S. aid dollars from foreign taxes, but it also gives the Secretary of State power to waive the rule for foreign policy reasons, which could reduce oversight by Congress.

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    None of the funds appropriated under titles III through VI of this Act may be made available to provide assistance for a foreign country under a new bilateral agreement governing the terms and conditions under which such assistance is to be provided unless such agreement includes a provision stating that assistance provided by the United States shall be exempt from taxation, or reimbursed, by the foreign government.

15. How long money stays available and how it can be moved

    This section sets rules for spending timelines in this bill. Money must be spent within the current budget year, unless the bill says otherwise. Some funds are set aside for specific programs. If rules stop the government from using that money as planned, agencies can shift it to other programs in the same account. They must tell Congress first. Moved money must follow the same rules as before. The Secretary of State can also ask for a one year extension on some funds. This happens if a country loses aid or if circumstances change a lot. Extended money must still go to its original purpose. Finally, spending limits in this bill do not apply to future laws, unless those laws say so. And spending limits from other laws do not apply to this bill's money.

    Who this affects

    This affects federal agencies, especially the State Department, and Congress oversight committees. It also affects countries and programs that receive U.S. foreign aid.

    Tradeoff

    This gives agencies more flexibility to adapt when plans change, but it also reduces how strictly Congress's original spending instructions must be followed.

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    Funds appropriated under titles III through VI of this Act which are specifically designated may be reprogrammed for other programs within the same account notwithstanding the designation if compliance with the designation is made impossible by operation of any provision of this or any other Act

16. Congress must be told before foreign aid money changes

    This section controls how agencies spend foreign aid and national security money. It covers the State Department, Peace Corps, and other related agencies. Before agencies start new programs, close offices, or shift large amounts of money, they must tell Congress first. They usually must give 15 days notice. Some rules require even more detail, like arms sales or aid to specific countries. The section lists 26 countries that need special notice before getting aid, including Ukraine, Cuba, and Pakistan. There is a waiver for emergencies, but agencies must still explain the emergency within 3 days. The section also requires reports on money moved from the Defense Department to the State Department, and on aid that gets lost, stolen, or destroyed.

    Who this affects

    This affects the State Department, Peace Corps, Defense Department, and other agencies that give foreign aid. It also affects countries that receive U.S. aid or arms sales.

    Tradeoff

    This gives Congress more oversight and control over foreign aid spending, but it can slow down agencies that need to act fast in changing situations.

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    unless previously justified to the Committees on Appropriations or such Committees are notified 15 days in advance of such obligation.

17. Records, reports, and audit rules for the State Department

    This section sets rules for openness and record keeping. Groups that get money from this Act must hand over documents needed for audits. If they refuse, they lose funding. Federal agencies funded by this Act must post required reports online within 45 days after Congress gets them. Agencies can skip posting if the report would hurt national security or contains private business information. The Secretary of State must also improve how the department manages records, including emails and messages. Departing employees must be told that their work records belong to the government, not to them. The department must also get faster at finding records, including ones requested under public records law. Finally, it must improve cybersecurity, including limits on personal email use and better tracking of inactive accounts.

    Who this affects

    This affects the State Department, other federal agencies funded by this Act, and nongovernmental groups or contractors that receive this funding.

    Tradeoff

    More public reporting and record oversight increases transparency and accountability, but agencies can withhold some reports for security or privacy reasons, which limits full public access.

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    Any Federal agency funded by this Act shall maintain a public website, and, except as provided in paragraphs (2) and (3), any report required by this Act to be submitted to Congress shall be posted on the public website of such agency not later than 45 days following the receipt of such report by Congress.

18. President must explain if he skips a rule for constitutional reasons

    This section deals with the President ignoring a rule in this law. Sometimes a President may decide a rule in this law breaks the Constitution. If that happens, the head of that agency must tell Congress. The agency must send a written notice within 5 days. The notice must explain why the President made this choice. It must also explain any changes to programs or policy because of it. Congress oversees federal spending through committees called the Committees on Appropriations.

    Who this affects

    This affects the President, federal agency leaders, and the Committees on Appropriations in Congress.

    Tradeoff

    This lets the President skip a rule on constitutional grounds, but it requires quick public explanation, trading executive flexibility for congressional oversight.

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    If the President makes a determination not to comply with any provision of this Act on constitutional grounds, the head of the relevant Federal agency shall notify the Committees on Appropriations in writing within 5 days of such determination, the basis for such determination and any resulting changes to program or policy.

19. Ban on foreign aid funds for abortion and forced sterilization

    This section limits how U.S. foreign aid money can be used. It says none of this money can pay for abortions as a form of family planning. It also bars using the money to pressure or force anyone to have an abortion. The section blocks funds from paying for forced sterilizations. It also bans using the money to pressure or reward someone for getting sterilized. The funds cannot pay for medical research on abortion or forced sterilization methods either. If the President finds that a country or group would break these rules, that country or group cannot get the funds.

    Who this affects

    This affects foreign governments and organizations that receive U.S. foreign assistance funds. It also affects people in other countries who receive family planning services funded by U.S. aid.

    Tradeoff

    The rule aims to stop U.S. money from funding abortion or forced sterilization abroad, but it may also limit funding for other family planning or health programs run by groups that also offer those services.

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    None of the funds made available to carry out part I of the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961, as amended, may be used to pay for the performance of abortions as a method of family planning or to motivate or coerce any person to practice abortions.

20. Rules for spending on specific countries and programs

    This section controls how the State Department spends money set aside for foreign countries and international groups. A report attached to the bill lists specific dollar amounts for each country or group. The Secretary of State must spend at least those amounts. The Secretary can normally spend up to 10 percent less than a listed amount. Going lower than that needs a written explanation to Congress, and it must involve an urgent or unusual situation tied to national security. Even then, the cut cannot go past 50 percent below the listed amount. Congress must be consulted first. Some funds are exempt from these rules, like money whose spending deadline has passed. Money listed under International Humanitarian Assistance does not count toward a country's required amount unless the bill says otherwise.

    Who this affects

    Foreign governments and international organizations that receive U.S. aid, and the Secretary of State's spending decisions. It also affects Congress's oversight role.

    Tradeoff

    The rule guarantees promised aid levels for foreign partners, but it limits the Secretary of State's flexibility to shift money quickly in a crisis.

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    the Secretary of State may only deviate up to 10 percent below the amounts specifically designated in the respective tables included in the report accompanying this Act

21. Limits on future funding promises

    This section limits how the government can promise future money. It covers aid programs in titles III through VI of the bill. These titles fund foreign aid and international programs. Officials cannot promise future funding for these programs unless they follow specific rules. Those rules are listed in a separate report attached to the bill.

    Who this affects

    This affects government agencies that manage foreign aid and international programs, and the countries or groups that receive that aid.

    Tradeoff

    This gives Congress more control over long-term aid pledges, but it may limit how quickly agencies can promise future support to foreign partners.

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    None of the funds appropriated or otherwise made available by this Act may be used to make any pledge for future year funding for any multilateral or bilateral program funded in titles III through VI of this Act unless such pledge meets the requirements contained under this section in the report accompanying this Act.

22. Blocking aid to governments tied to terrorism

    This section stops U.S. money in this bill from going to foreign governments linked to terrorism. It has two parts. First, it blocks funds to any government that sends weapons to a country the State Department says supports terrorism. This block ends 12 months after the weapons transfers stop. Second, it blocks bilateral aid to any government that shelters terrorists, supports terrorism, or is run by a group listed as a terrorist organization. In both cases, the President can allow the funds anyway. For the weapons rule, the President must show it serves U.S. national interest and must report the details to Congress. For the bilateral aid rule, the President can waive the block for national security or humanitarian reasons, but must publish the waiver and notify Congress 15 days ahead.

    Who this affects

    Foreign governments that receive U.S. security or state department funds, especially those linked to weapons transfers or terrorism. It also affects how much control Congress has over these funding decisions.

    Tradeoff

    The rule aims to stop U.S. money from helping governments tied to terrorism, but it gives the President broad power to waive the block, which can weaken the restriction.

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    None of the funds appropriated or otherwise made available under titles III through VI of this Act may be made available to any foreign government which provides lethal military equipment to a country the government of which the Secretary of State has determined supports international terrorism

23. Money set aside to prevent global conflict

    This section takes money from several foreign aid and security accounts. These accounts include National Security Investment Programs, International Narcotics Control and Law Enforcement, Nonproliferation and Anti-terrorism programs, Security Sector Programs, and Foreign Military Financing. At least $108 million from these accounts must go to the Prevention and Stabilization Fund. This fund supports goals set in the Global Fragility Act of 2019. That law aims to stop violence and instability in fragile countries before it spreads. The section also lets Foreign Military Financing money used this way stay available longer. It can be spent until September 30, 2028, instead of expiring sooner.

    Who this affects

    This affects the State Department, foreign governments receiving U.S. security aid, and countries targeted by conflict prevention programs.

    Tradeoff

    Setting aside this money for conflict prevention means less flexibility for other security or anti-narcotics spending, but it supports longer-term efforts to stop instability before it becomes a crisis.

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    not less than $108,000,000 shall be made available for the Prevention and Stabilization Fund for the purposes enumerated in section 509(a) of the Global Fragility Act of 2019 (title V of division J of Public Law 116–94 ): Provided , That funds made available pursuant to this section under the heading Foreign Military Financing Program may remain available until September 30, 2028.

24. Defining how program funding is tracked and counted

    This section explains a technical rule for the bill. It defines the terms 'program, project, and activity' for money laws in this Act. Normally these terms apply at the account level, like one big pot of money. But for three specific accounts, National Security Investment Programs, International Narcotics Control and Law Enforcement, and Foreign Military Financing, the terms also apply to smaller parts. That means funding for each country, region, or central program counts as its own separate item. This affects how strictly the government must follow spending limits and rules within those three accounts.

    Who this affects

    This affects federal agencies that manage foreign aid and security assistance money, mainly the State Department and Defense Department. It also affects Congress's ability to track how that money is spent by country or program.

    Tradeoff

    Breaking funding into smaller tracked pieces gives Congress tighter oversight, but it also limits how freely agencies can shift money between countries or programs as situations change.

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    program, project, and activity shall be defined at the appropriations Act account level and shall include all appropriations and authorizations Acts funding directives, ceilings, and limitations with the exception that for the National Security Investment Programs , International Narcotics Control and Law Enforcement , and Foreign Military Financing Program accounts, program, project, and activity shall also be considered to include country, regional, and central program level funding within each such account

25. Rules on countering foreign propaganda

    This section limits how the government can use money meant to fight foreign propaganda and disinformation. The money can only target foreign governments or foreign groups acting outside the U.S. It cannot be used against U.S. news media or social media companies. The section also blocks the money from being used to label U.S. independent news outlets as sources of false information. It bars officials from pushing to censor, filter, or remove content from U.S. entities on social media. It also stops the government from trying to sway advertisers or consumers against U.S. media or social platforms. The rules must also follow an existing executive order on free speech and federal censorship.

    Who this affects

    U.S. news media companies, social media platforms, and federal agencies that run anti-disinformation programs.

    Tradeoff

    This protects U.S. media and platforms from government pressure, but it may limit how officials respond if U.S.-based content contributes to spreading foreign disinformation.

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    may only be made available for the purpose of countering such efforts by foreign state and non-state actors abroad

26. Blocking U.S. aid that could hurt American farmers and producers

    This section limits how U.S. foreign aid money can be used. It stops agencies like the Export-Import Bank and the U.S. International Development Finance Corporation from funding projects that help other countries grow or make goods for export, if those goods are already in surplus worldwide and would hurt U.S. producers of the same goods. It also blocks U.S. funding for farming research, training, or programs that would help foreign countries grow crops that compete with U.S. crops. There are exceptions. Aid can still go to very poor countries that do not export much, or to countries recovering from war or crisis. The Export-Import Bank can also get a waiver if its leaders decide the benefits to U.S. jobs and industry outweigh the harm to U.S. producers. Finally, the U.S. must use its vote at international financial institutions to oppose similar harmful aid projects.

    Who this affects

    U.S. farmers and manufacturers who compete in global markets, foreign countries receiving U.S. aid, and agencies like the Export-Import Bank and international development banks.

    Tradeoff

    This rule protects U.S. producers from foreign competition funded by U.S. aid, but it may limit help for poorer countries trying to grow their own farming or export industries.

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    None of the funds appropriated or made available pursuant to titles III through VI of this Act for direct assistance and none of the funds otherwise made available to the Export-Import Bank and the United States International Development Finance Corporation shall be obligated or expended to finance any loan, any assistance, or any other financial commitments for establishing or expanding production of any commodity for export by any country other than the United States, if the commodity is likely to be in surplus on world markets at the time the resulting productive capacity is expected to become operative and if the assistance will cause substantial injury to United States producers of the same, similar, or competing commodity

27. Rules for foreign aid paid in local currency or cash

    This section sets rules for U.S. foreign aid given to other countries. Some aid creates local currency instead of dollars. That local currency must go into a separate bank account. The State Department must agree with the foreign government on how much money goes in. They must also agree on how the money can be used. The money can pay for aid projects, help with debt, or cover U.S. government costs there. If aid ends, leftover money must be used as both governments agree. Cash aid and sector aid also must go into separate accounts. Countries cannot mix this money with other funds. Congress must get 15 days notice before this cash is spent. The notice must explain how the money will be used and why it helps U.S. interests.

    Who this affects

    This affects foreign governments receiving U.S. aid, the State Department, and Congress committees that oversee spending.

    Tradeoff

    Separate accounts and notice rules improve tracking of aid money, but they add paperwork and delay before funds can be used.

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    the Secretary of State shall— (A) require that local currencies be deposited in a separate account established by that government

28. Foreign aid rules for nonprofit groups and food aid

    This section changes how country-based aid restrictions work. Normally, if a law blocks U.S. aid to a certain country, that block also stops money from reaching nonprofit groups working in that country. This section says that rule does not apply. Nonprofit groups can still get funds for certain democracy, health, and aid programs, even in restricted countries. The same rule applies to food aid under the Food for Peace Act. Before using this power, the President must tell Congress first. This does not change existing bans on abortion funding or forced sterilization. It also does not apply to countries that support terrorism or that violate human rights.

    Who this affects

    Nonprofit organizations doing foreign aid work, foreign governments under U.S. aid restrictions, and Congress members who oversee this spending.

    Tradeoff

    This lets aid reach people through nonprofit groups even in restricted countries, but it gives the President more freedom to bypass country-level aid bans.

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    Restrictions contained in this or any other Act with respect to assistance for a country shall not be construed to restrict assistance in support of programs of nongovernmental organizations from funds appropriated by this Act

29. Diplomats supporting U.S. business interests abroad

    This section tells the State Department to focus some of its diplomatic funding on helping U.S. businesses overseas. Each U.S. ambassador (called a Chief of Mission) must work to protect American economic and business interests in the country where they serve. This includes creating good business conditions, promoting U.S. business interests, and helping resolve trade disputes. Embassies must include money for these activities in their yearly budget requests. The Secretary of State must also check each year that staff get proper training on economic and trade diplomacy. Finally, ambassadors are asked to build support for U.S. business interests into their country strategies and aid plans.

    Who this affects

    U.S. embassies and ambassadors, State Department staff, and American businesses operating in other countries.

    Tradeoff

    This can help protect U.S. companies abroad, but it may shift diplomatic time and money away from other foreign policy goals.

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    the Secretary of State, in consultation with the Secretary of Commerce, shall prioritize the allocation of funds appropriated by this Act under the heading Diplomatic Programs for support of Chief of Mission diplomatic engagement to foster commercial relations and safeguard United States economic and business interests in the country in which each Chief of Mission serves

30. Rules for U.S. funding of world development banks

    This section sets rules for how the U.S. deals with international financial institutions, like the World Bank and regional development banks. It caps pay for U.S. officials at these banks. It tells the U.S. representative to push these banks to protect human rights and fight fraud and corruption in loans. It asks banks to reveal who really owns companies that get their money. It blocks U.S. support for bank capital increases unless the President asks Congress first and Treasury confirms the increase helps the bank's goals and does not boost China's voting power. It directs U.S. officials to oppose any bank loans or aid to China. It also blocks certain Treasury-run funds from helping China or heavily sanctioned countries. Treasury must report on this activity each year. Finally, it tells the U.S. representative at the Inter-American Development Bank to stop the bank's climate finance targets and focus more on reliable energy and cleaner procurement rules that help U.S. companies.

    Who this affects

    This affects Treasury Department officials, U.S. representatives at development banks, and countries like China that seek bank loans. It also affects U.S. businesses competing for bank contracts.

    Tradeoff

    The rules increase U.S. oversight and leverage at these banks, but they may limit the banks' flexibility on lending decisions and climate goals.

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    None of the funds appropriated by this Act may be made available to support a new capital increase for an international financial institution unless the President submits a budget request for such increase to Congress and the Secretary of the Treasury concurrent with such request determines and reports to the Committees on Appropriations

31. Economic Resilience Initiative funding

    This section sets rules for spending money from the National Security Investment Programs fund. The money goes to a program called the Economic Resilience Initiative. This program aims to make the U.S. and partner countries more stable and secure. It also helps counter economic pressure tactics from other countries. Before spending, agencies must talk with Congress committees first. The money can pay for large infrastructure projects, run by the Secretary of State with other agencies. It can also fund work to protect supply chains for critical minerals. Some money can go to a fund for digital technology and internet connections abroad. The section also lets agencies move this money to other accounts. These include the Export-Import Bank, the U.S. International Development Finance Corporation, and the Trade and Development Agency. Any transfer must still follow the notice rules for Congress.

    Who this affects

    This affects federal agencies like the State Department, Export-Import Bank, and Development Finance Corporation. It also affects partner countries and companies involved in mineral supply chains or digital infrastructure projects.

    Tradeoff

    The rules give agencies flexibility to move money between programs, but this could make it harder for Congress and the public to track exactly where funds end up.

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    Funds appropriated by this Act under the heading National Security Investment Programs shall be made available for the Economic Resilience Initiative to enhance the economic security and stability of the United States and partner countries, including through efforts to counter economic coercion

32. Rules for foreign aid, corruption, and mining funds

    This section sets rules for U.S. money sent directly to foreign governments. Countries must meet anti-corruption checks first. Congress must be told about large aid deals before they happen. The Secretary of State must stop aid if there is proof it is being misused, unless there is a strong reason to continue. No U.S. money can help a country pay debts owed to China or to international lenders. The section also bars entry to U.S. soil for foreign officials linked to major corruption or human rights abuses, though waivers are allowed. It requires governments getting aid to be more open about their budgets and contracts. Finally, it blocks funds for certain mineral mining projects until similar mining is allowed again in the United States, and it pushes other countries to be transparent about payments from resource companies.

    Who this affects

    Foreign governments receiving U.S. aid, foreign officials linked to corruption or human rights abuses, and companies involved in mining or natural resource extraction.

    Tradeoff

    These rules aim to reduce corruption and misuse of aid, but they add reporting steps and delays that could slow down assistance to countries that need it.

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    The Secretary of State shall suspend any direct government-to-government assistance if the Secretary has credible information of material misuse of such assistance, unless the Secretary reports to the Committees on Appropriations that it is in the national interest of the United States to continue such assistance

33. Money for democracy programs abroad

    This section sets aside $2,175,000,000 for democracy programs overseas. The money comes from several funds in the bill. Some money must go to the National Endowment for Democracy. That group can fund work in countries that oppose the U.S., threaten national security, or want stronger democratic systems. The section also says this funding can bypass certain other laws and rules. Foreign governments cannot pre-approve which groups get this money, what the aid does, or who takes part. If a country is undemocratic or has attacked groups running these programs, new agreements with that country cannot force the U.S. to reveal which partner groups it works with. The Secretary of State must also try to update older agreements to add this same protection.

    Who this affects

    This affects the State Department, the National Endowment for Democracy, foreign governments, and groups that run democracy programs in other countries.

    Tradeoff

    Protecting the identities of partner groups can keep them safer from hostile governments, but it also means those governments get less information about who receives U.S. funding in their country.

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    Funds made available by this Act for democracy programs pursuant to subsection (a) and under the heading National Endowment for Democracy may be made available notwithstanding any other provision of law, and with regard to the National Endowment for Democracy (NED), any regulation.

34. Support for international religious freedom programs

    This section funds work on religious freedom around the world. It pays for the State Department's Office of International Religious Freedom. It sets aside at least $50 million for programs that support religious freedom abroad. The Ambassador-at-Large for International Religious Freedom oversees this money. These funds go first to countries the government has labeled as major violators of religious freedom. The section also allows money to help persecuted ethnic and religious minorities. This includes groups the Secretary of State has called victims of genocide. It also allows special funding for ethnic and religious minorities in Iraq and Syria, even if other laws would normally limit this.

    Who this affects

    This affects the State Department, the Ambassador-at-Large for International Religious Freedom, and persecuted religious and ethnic groups overseas, especially in countries labeled as major violators and in Iraq and Syria.

    Tradeoff

    The section directs guaranteed funding to religious freedom and minority protection programs, which limits how much flexibility officials have to spend that money on other foreign policy priorities.

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    Of the funds appropriated by this Act under the headings National Security Investment Programs and Democracy Fund , not less than $50,000,000 shall be made available for international religious freedom programs

35. General rules and definitions for State Department funding

    This section sets several rules for how State Department money can be used. It sets aside at least $15 million to fight human trafficking through forensic help. It lets funds go to genocide memorial sites. It blocks changes to the Exchange Visitor Program unless the government follows a formal rulemaking process. It requires the Secretary of State to talk with Congress before starting programs that screen partner groups for security risks. It asks the Secretary to withhold aid from countries that do not help return abducted children under an international agreement. It allows the transfer of up to $50 million for protecting foreign officials and missions. It keeps several older rules and deadlines in effect, including extending a loan guarantee program for Israel by one year. It lets an HIV/AIDS fund also cover treatments for child illnesses, malaria, and tuberculosis. Finally, it defines many terms used throughout the bill, like which committees count as 'appropriate' and what 'spend plan' means.

    Who this affects

    The State Department, Congress, foreign aid recipients, countries involved in child abduction cases, exchange program participants, and health programs receiving HIV/AIDS funds.

    Tradeoff

    These rules give Congress more oversight and control over how money is spent, but they can also slow down or limit the State Department's flexibility to act quickly.

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    not less than $15,000,000 shall be made available for forensic assistance related to combating human trafficking

36. Rules for foreign military aid, police training, and weapons sales

    This section sets rules for U.S. security assistance to other countries. It lets funds train foreign police in human rights and community relations. It requires combat medical training and gear to be included with weapons aid, unless a country already has good care standards. It sets up leasing of U.S. weapons to Israel, Egypt, NATO, and other close allies. It caps a special weapons-buying fund at $900 million. It extends some existing programs, like war reserve weapon stockpiles, by one year. It also blocks aid from supporting child soldiers and limits when cluster munitions can be sold or used. Finally, it requires the State Department to report yearly on how this money is spent and on foreign military training.

    Who this affects

    Foreign governments and militaries receiving U.S. aid, U.S. weapons makers, the State Department, and Congress (through oversight and reports).

    Tradeoff

    The rules aim to add safety and human rights checks to military aid, but they also give the government more flexibility to sell, lease, or fund weapons with fewer restrictions.

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    Not to exceed $900,000,000 may be obligated pursuant to section 51(c)(2) of the Arms Export Control Act ( 22 U.S.C. 2795(c)(2) ) for the purposes of the Special Defense Acquisition Fund (the Fund), to remain available for obligation until September 30, 2029

37. Funding to fight fentanyl trafficking

    This section sets aside at least $175 million for programs that fight fentanyl and other synthetic drugs. The money comes from existing foreign aid and law enforcement funds. It must be used on top of money already planned for this work, not instead of it. The funds can help stop drug flows from China, Mexico, and other countries. They can also fund law enforcement teamwork to break up drug trafficking groups. Some money will support a law called the FENTANYL Act, which targets these drugs. The rest can go to global partnerships, like the Global Coalition to Address Synthetic Drug Threats, to fight the problem worldwide.

    Who this affects

    U.S. agencies working on foreign aid and drug enforcement, foreign governments (especially China and Mexico), and international law enforcement partners.

    Tradeoff

    This guarantees strong funding for fentanyl-fighting efforts, but it limits how flexibly the government can use that money for other foreign aid or security priorities.

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    not less than $175,000,000 shall be made available for programs to counter the flow of fentanyl, fentanyl precursors, and other synthetic drugs into the United States: Provided, That such funds shall be in addition to funds otherwise made available for such purposes.

38. Conditions on aid for a future Palestinian state

    This section limits U.S. foreign aid money for a new Palestinian state. The Secretary of State must first confirm certain things are true. The Palestinian governing body must show it wants peace with Israel. It must also fight terrorism and dismantle terrorist groups. It must work with Israeli security agencies. The section also says the Palestinian Authority should work with other countries for lasting Middle East peace. This peace should include ending conflict claims, respecting each country's borders, and solving refugee issues. Congress also says it hopes the governing body will set up fair laws, courts, and honest government. The President can waive these rules if it serves U.S. security interests. Money used to help reform the Palestinian Authority itself is not blocked by this rule.

    Who this affects

    This affects the Palestinian Authority, any future Palestinian government, the U.S. State Department, and U.S. foreign aid programs in the Middle East.

    Tradeoff

    The rule ties U.S. aid to specific peace and security conditions, but the President can waive it, which trades strict conditions for flexible foreign policy decisions.

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    None of the funds appropriated under titles III through VI of this Act may be provided to support a Palestinian state unless the Secretary of State determines and certifies to the appropriate congressional committees that— (1) the governing entity of a new Palestinian state— (A) has demonstrated a firm commitment to peaceful co-existence with the State of Israel

39. No funds for Palestinian Broadcasting Corporation

    This section blocks money in this bill from going to the Palestinian Broadcasting Corporation. The ban covers equipment, technical support, consulting help, or any other kind of assistance. Federal agencies cannot use funds from this act to support this group in any way.

    Who this affects

    The Palestinian Broadcasting Corporation and U.S. agencies that manage foreign assistance funds.

    Tradeoff

    This keeps U.S. tax dollars from supporting the group, but it also cuts off any equipment or technical help that could improve its operations.

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    None of the funds appropriated or otherwise made available by this Act may be used to provide equipment, technical support, consulting services, or any other form of assistance to the Palestinian Broadcasting Corporation.

40. Rules for West Bank and Gaza aid

    This section sets rules for U.S. aid to the West Bank and Gaza Program in 2027. Before spending any money, the Secretary of State must certify that auditors can check how funds are used. Officials must screen recipients to make sure aid does not go to people or groups linked to terrorism. This includes schools with terrorist-linked leaders on their boards. None of the money can be used to honor people who committed acts of terrorism. It also cannot fund schools named after such people. Security aid is blocked until the State Department reports on compliance benchmarks and steps the Palestinian Authority takes against detainee abuse. All contractors and grantees must get audited every year. Up to $1,400,000 can go toward oversight work by Inspectors General. After initial checks, the Comptroller General must also audit how all the funds are used. Congress must be notified before funds are released, following normal review steps.

    Who this affects

    This affects the U.S. State Department, aid contractors and grantees, schools and organizations in the West Bank and Gaza, and the Palestinian Authority.

    Tradeoff

    These rules aim to stop aid from reaching terrorist-linked people or groups, but they also add reporting and audit steps that can slow down when aid actually reaches people who need it.

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    None of the funds appropriated under titles III through VI of this Act for assistance under the West Bank and Gaza Program may be made available for— (A) the purpose of recognizing or otherwise honoring individuals who commit, or have committed acts of terrorism; and (B) any educational institution located in the West Bank or Gaza that is named after an individual who the Secretary of State determines has committed an act of terrorism.

41. Limits on U.S. aid to the Palestinian Authority

    This section blocks U.S. funds from going to the Palestinian Authority. The President can waive this block. To do so, the President must tell Congress the waiver protects U.S. national security. A waiver can only last 6 months at a time. No waiver can go beyond 12 months after this law passes. If the President uses a waiver, he must report to Congress. The report must explain how the money will be used and tracked. It must also show what the Palestinian Authority has done to fight terrorism. The Secretary of State must also confirm certain financial rules are met. These include having one treasury account and one payroll system. The Authority must also be working against violence and supporting peace with Israel. Separately, no funds can pay salaries for Palestinian Authority staff in Gaza. No funds can go to Hamas or groups it controls. A power-sharing government that includes Hamas can get aid only if it publicly accepts specific peace principles. The Secretary of State must report every few months on whether that government keeps following those rules. No funds under this act can go to the Palestine Liberation Organization.

    Who this affects

    The Palestinian Authority, the Palestine Liberation Organization, and any power-sharing government involving Hamas. It also affects U.S. agencies handling foreign aid.

    Tradeoff

    The waiver lets the President send aid when needed for security, but it limits Congress's control over how and when that money flows.

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    None of the funds appropriated by this Act to carry out the provisions of chapter 4 of part II of the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961 may be obligated or expended with respect to providing funds to the Palestinian Authority.

42. Middle East aid rules: Egypt, Iran, Israel, Jordan, Lebanon, Syria, and Gaza

    This section sets rules for U.S. aid money to several Middle East countries. It sets Egypt's military aid at $1.425 billion, but Egypt must show it keeps its peace treaty with Israel. It blocks money from helping Iran's nuclear program and stops funds from going to sanctioned groups. It gives Israel at least $3.3 billion in military grants, to be paid within 30 days. It sets Jordan's aid at $1.65 billion plus more for its budget. It limits aid to Lebanon's security forces unless they are free of terrorist control. It allows non-lethal help for Syria but blocks money that would aid Iran or terrorist groups there. For the West Bank and Gaza, it blocks funds if Palestinians seek U.N. statehood outside a deal with Israel, or push International Criminal Court cases against Israel. It also sets strict tracking rules to make sure Gaza aid does not reach Hamas, and bars U.S. resettlement of Gaza nationals using these funds.

    Who this affects

    Governments and people in Egypt, Israel, Jordan, Lebanon, Syria, Iran, and the West Bank and Gaza. Also affects the U.S. State Department, which must report and certify how money is used.

    Tradeoff

    The rules aim to control how aid is used and prevent it from reaching hostile groups, but they also limit flexibility and could delay or block aid in some situations.

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    Of the funds appropriated by this Act, not less than $1,425,000,000 shall be made available for assistance for Egypt

43. Aid rules for African countries

    This section sets rules for U.S. foreign aid to several African countries. In the Great Lakes region, money must support a 2025 peace deal between Congo and Rwanda. It must also focus on sectors like mining that the Secretary of State sees as important to U.S. security and economic interests. For Nigeria, half of the aid money is held back until the government proves it protects people from violence and helps victims. Nigeria aid must also support things like stopping attacks, protecting religious freedom, and prosecuting armed groups. For South Africa, aid is blocked unless the government stops working with U.S. adversaries and follows the rule of law. For South Sudan and Sudan, aid can only go to the central government if it supports a real peace agreement. New aid programs in Sudan also need to be discussed with Congress first.

    Who this affects

    It affects the governments of the Democratic Republic of Congo, Rwanda, Nigeria, South Africa, South Sudan, and Sudan. It also affects people in these countries who rely on U.S. aid programs.

    Tradeoff

    The rules aim to push foreign governments toward specific actions like peace deals or human rights improvements, but withholding funds could delay help reaching people who need it.

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    None of the funds appropriated by this Act under titles III and IV may be made available for assistance for the Government of South Africa unless the Secretary of State certifies and reports to the Committees on Appropriations that the conditions enumerated under this section in the report accompanying this Act relating to the cessation of cooperation with United States adversaries and adherence to the rule of law have been met.

44. East Asia and Pacific foreign policy funding rules

    This section sets rules for U.S. foreign aid money in East Asia and the Pacific. It sets aside funds for Burma, Taiwan, Tibet, Hong Kong, the Philippines, North Korea, and Pacific Island nations. It also creates a fund of at least $400 million to counter Chinese government and Communist Party influence around the world. It blocks U.S. money from helping China's government, the Belt and Road Initiative, or Chinese-made tech unless the Secretary of State says it is safe. It also blocks aid tied to forced labor or human rights abuses in China. Money is set aside for Taiwan's military support, training programs, and a fellowship program. It sets minimum funding levels for Tibetan cultural and refugee programs, and for human rights and broadcasting efforts aimed at North Korea.

    Who this affects

    The State Department, foreign aid recipients in Asia and the Pacific, Taiwan, Tibet, Hong Kong, North Korea, the Philippines, and U.S. agencies dealing with China policy.

    Tradeoff

    The section directs large amounts of money to specific countries and goals, which limits flexibility for officials to shift funds based on changing needs.

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    Of the funds appropriated by this Act under the heading National Security Investment Programs, not less than $10,000,000 shall be made available to nongovernmental organizations with experience working with Tibetan communities to support activities which preserve cultural traditions and promote sustainable development, education, and environmental conservation in Tibetan communities in the Tibet Autonomous Region and in other Tibetan communities in China.

45. No U.S. aid for the Taliban

    This section blocks a specific use of federal money. It says none of the funds in this bill, or in past national security and State Department funding laws, can go to the Taliban. The Taliban is the group that controls Afghanistan's government. This rule applies to all related money, not just new funds from this bill.

    Who this affects

    This affects the Taliban government and any U.S. agencies that manage foreign aid or national security funds.

    Tradeoff

    This rule stops U.S. money from reaching the Taliban, but it could also limit aid programs meant to help Afghan civilians if those programs involve the Taliban in any way.

    Show the exact bill text

    None of the funds appropriated or otherwise made available by this Act and prior Acts making appropriations for national security, Department of State, and related programs may be made available for assistance to the Taliban.

46. Foreign aid rules for Latin America and the Caribbean

    This section sets rules for U.S. foreign aid to countries in Latin America and the Caribbean. It says aid should go to countries fighting drug trafficking, respecting democracy, and stopping mass migration. It sets special rules for specific countries. Colombia must show progress on reducing drug production before it gets some funds. Cuba gets money for democracy programs, but funds cannot support the Cuban military or lift certain sanctions unless Cuba becomes democratic. Mexico must show it is delivering water owed to the U.S. under a 1944 treaty before getting most aid. Venezuela gets democracy funding, and sanctions relief requires proof of free elections. Haiti gets priority aid and can buy defense gear for its coast guard. Nicaragua gets funds for democracy and religious freedom work. The section also sets a minimum funding level for Caribbean security programs and directs U.S. actions at the Organization of American States.

    Who this affects

    Governments and people in Latin America and Caribbean countries receiving U.S. aid, including Colombia, Cuba, Mexico, Venezuela, Haiti, and Nicaragua. It also affects U.S. State Department staff who manage this aid.

    Tradeoff

    Tying aid to strict conditions can push governments toward U.S. goals like fighting drugs and holding elections, but it can also delay or cut off help to people who need it if governments do not meet the conditions.

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    Funds appropriated by this Act under titles III and IV and made available for countries in Latin America and the Caribbean shall be prioritized for countries and programs that are— (1) countering fentanyl and other narcotics trafficking; (2) respecting norms of democracy, constitutional order, and human rights; (3) cooperating in the countering of regional and global authoritarian threats; and (4) demonstrating commitment and progress in offsetting large-scale migration and human trafficking from or through the Western Hemisphere.

47. Rules for aid to former Soviet Union countries

    This section deals with U.S. foreign aid to countries that were once part of the Soviet Union. Normally, a law called Section 907 blocks certain aid to Azerbaijan. This section says that block does not apply to several kinds of help, like democracy programs, trade agency assistance, business finance support, export financing, and humanitarian aid. It also says U.S. aid cannot go to a former Soviet country's government if that government violates another such country's borders or independence. The President can waive this rule if it serves U.S. national security interests, but must first talk with Congress about why. It also keeps in place older rules about Turkey and other requirements from a 2024 law, applying them again for 2027.

    Who this affects

    Governments and people in former Soviet Union countries receiving U.S. aid, U.S. agencies like the Trade and Development Agency and Export-Import Bank, and Turkey.

    Tradeoff

    The waiver lets the President act fast for security reasons, but it can also let aid flow despite border violations, weakening the rule's original purpose.

    Show the exact bill text

    None of the funds appropriated by this Act may be made available for assistance for a government of an Independent State of the former Soviet Union if such government directs any action in violation of the territorial integrity or national sovereignty of any other Independent State of the former Soviet Union

48. Blocking U.S. aid tied to Russia's actions in Ukraine and Georgia

    This section blocks U.S. money from going to Russia's central government. It also blocks aid to any country that supports Russia's claim over Crimea or other Ukrainian land. The Secretary of State can allow an exception if it serves U.S. national interest. The government cannot use funds to recognize Russian control of Crimea, or to support investment or aid there if Russian officials or Russian-controlled banks are involved. The U.S. must also use its vote at international financial groups to oppose loans or grants that violate Ukraine's borders. A similar rule applies to countries that recognize Russia's hold on two Georgian regions, Abkhazia and South Ossetia. The Secretary must post a public list of any such countries. Finally, the section sets aside at least $300 million from this and past funding bills for a fund that counters Russian influence, including support for law enforcement and security forces.

    Who this affects

    This affects foreign governments seeking U.S. aid, the State Department, the Treasury Department, and U.S. representatives at international financial institutions.

    Tradeoff

    The rules press other countries not to back Russian territorial claims, but the waiver option lets the U.S. keep helping some governments anyway if leaders judge it serves national interest.

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    None of the funds appropriated by this Act may be made available for assistance for the central Government of the Russian Federation.

49. Rules for funding the United Nations and other world groups

    This section sets many conditions on U.S. money for the United Nations and similar groups. It tells the Secretary of State to look at how countries vote at the UN. It also checks if countries support Taiwan joining UN meetings. It holds back 15 percent of UN funding until agencies show they post audits, protect whistleblowers, limit costly travel, fight anti-Israel bias, track lost funds, and screen staff for terrorist ties. It bans paying for U.S. trips to UN bodies led by countries tied to terrorism. It blocks money for the UN Human Rights Council, the UN agency that helps Palestinian refugees (UNRWA), the International Court of Justice, and the International Criminal Court. It also stops funds from paying UN membership dues. It requires reports on any funds held back. It ties assistance to foreign military units to whether they stop sexual abuse in peacekeeping missions. It bans buying goods from Russia through UN groups. It requires international groups to allow oversight by U.S. inspectors before they get funding. Finally, it blocks money tied to the World Health Organization, a pandemic treaty, an arms treaty, and groups led by Chinese Communist Party-linked officials, unless the Senate approves those treaties first.

    Who this affects

    The State Department, the United Nations and its agencies, foreign governments receiving U.S. aid, and international courts and health groups.

    Tradeoff

    These rules give Congress more control and oversight over UN funding, but they also risk cutting off money to agencies and courts even when only part of their work is in question.

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    Of the funds appropriated by this Act that are available for contributions to the United Nations (including the Department of Peacekeeping Operations), international organizations, or any United Nations agency, 15 percent may not be obligated for such organization, department, or agency until the Secretary of State determines and reports to the appropriate congressional committees

50. Conditions on funding for the United Nations and Gaza-related groups

    This section puts limits on U.S. money for the United Nations and related groups. First, no funds can go to the U.N. Secretariat or its agencies until the Secretary of State confirms the U.N. Secretary-General has given a written promise. That promise must say U.N. staff, consultants, or contractors will not get special legal protection in certain serious cases. These cases include human rights abuses, terrorism, supporting terrorist groups, or other serious crimes like corruption. Second, no funds can go to any group working in Gaza if it fails to share oversight information with a U.S. Inspector General. This applies if the group does not respond within 90 days of a written request. The information must relate to Gaza programs, the October 7, 2023 attacks in Israel, or support for sanctioned groups or people.

    Who this affects

    This affects the United Nations, its agencies like UNRWA, and any organizations, contractors, or groups that receive U.S. funds for work in Gaza.

    Tradeoff

    This section aims to increase accountability and oversight, but it could delay or block funding for humanitarian and diplomatic programs if conditions are not met quickly.

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    None of the funds appropriated or otherwise made available by this Act or prior Acts making appropriations for national security, Department of State, and related programs may be obligated or expended for the Secretariat of the United Nations or any affiliated office, agency, fund, program, or other entity thereof until the Secretary of State certifies and reports to the appropriate congressional committees that the Secretary-General of the United Nations has provided written assurance to the Secretary that privileges, exemptions, and immunities will not be asserted for any staff member, consultant, or contractor of the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East or any other United Nations entity in cases involving— (1) gross violations of human rights; (2) an act of terrorism...

51. Funding for global internet freedom programs

    This section sets aside money for programs that support internet freedom around the world. It requires at least $78,375,000 to go to these programs. The money must be used in line with an earlier law, the Department of State Authorization Act of 2022. These programs often help people in other countries get around online censorship or surveillance.

    Who this affects

    It affects the State Department, groups that run internet freedom programs, and people in other countries who use these tools.

    Tradeoff

    The set-aside guarantees steady support for internet freedom work, but it also locks in spending that limits how the State Department can use those funds elsewhere.

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    not less than $78,375,000 shall be made available for programs to promote internet freedom globally, consistent with section 9707 of the Department of State Authorization Act of 2022

52. Ban on funding torture

    This section blocks money in this bill from being used for torture. It also blocks money from paying for cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment. This rule applies to any U.S. government official. It also applies to any contract worker paid by the government. The money cannot be used to support such acts. It also cannot be used to defend or justify them.

    Who this affects

    U.S. government officials and contract employees who work under this funding, and people who might otherwise be subject to such treatment.

    Tradeoff

    This section sets a clear legal limit on funded activities, but it does not add new tools to check whether the rule is followed.

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    None of the funds made available by this Act may be used to support or justify the use of torture and other cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment or punishment by any official or contract employee of the United States Government.

53. Moving and managing State Department aircraft

    This section lets the government move aircraft between different programs and regions. These are aircraft bought with State Department or anti-drug program money. The Secretary of State must first say the aircraft is no longer needed in its current location. The department must also tell Congress before making the move. Aircraft used mainly to carry people must be managed by the top U.S. official in that country. These planes can carry other agencies' staff too, sometimes for a fee. Money collected this way goes into a special fund for aircraft costs. Countries that receive U.S. aircraft should pay for fuel and upkeep when possible. The section also changes a rule so it does not apply to small drones under 55 pounds.

    Who this affects

    This affects the State Department, foreign governments that receive U.S. aircraft, and Congress committees that oversee spending.

    Tradeoff

    Giving the department flexibility to move aircraft where needed can speed up responses, but it also reduces strict, fixed control over where equipment goes.

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    Notwithstanding any other provision of law or regulation, aircraft procured with funds appropriated by this Act and prior Acts making appropriations for national security, Department of State, and related programs under the headings Diplomatic Programs , International Narcotics Control and Law Enforcement , Andean Counterdrug Initiative , and Andean Counterdrug Programs may be used for any other program and in any region.

54. Reusing old rules for foreign aid oversight

    This section reuses rules from a 2010 spending law. That law was section 7055 of a 2010 State Department funding act. Those rules will apply again to this new bill. One part of the old rules gets a date update. The old law used a 2009 deadline. This section changes that date to September 30, 2026. This keeps oversight and reporting rules working with current timelines.

    Who this affects

    This affects government agencies that manage foreign aid and national security funding. It also affects Congress members who oversee how that money is spent.

    Tradeoff

    Reusing old rules saves time writing new ones, but it may not fit today's programs as well as fresh rules would.

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    The terms and conditions of section 7055 of the Department of State, Foreign Operations, and Related Programs Appropriations Act, 2010 (division F of Public Law 111–117 ) shall apply to this Act: Provided, That subsection (f)(2)(B) of such section shall be applied by substituting September 30, 2026 for September 30, 2009 .

55. Old rules carried forward, plus IMF loan repayment order

    This section does two things. First, it says some old rules from a 2010 spending law still apply to this new law. Those old rules cover certain funding conditions and limits. Second, it tells the Treasury Secretary to give a direction to the top U.S. official at the International Monetary Fund (IMF). That official must try to make sure IMF loans get paid back before loans from other private lenders or other multilateral groups get paid back.

    Who this affects

    This affects the U.S. Treasury Department, the U.S. official at the IMF, and countries that borrow money from the IMF and other lenders.

    Tradeoff

    Putting the IMF first in line for repayment can protect U.S. taxpayer-backed funds, but it may make it harder for borrowing countries to pay back other lenders.

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    The Secretary of the Treasury shall instruct the United States Executive Director of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) to seek to ensure that any loan will be repaid to the IMF before other private or multilateral creditors.

56. Blocking aid to governments that refuse extradition

    This section stops most U.S. foreign aid to a country's central government under certain conditions. It applies if that government refuses to send someone back to the United States. This must be a person charged with a crime that could mean life in prison, or the killing of a law enforcement officer. The rule only applies if the U.S. has a valid extradition treaty with that country. It only applies if that country is breaking the terms of that treaty. Some types of aid are exempt from this rule. These include humanitarian aid, drug and crime control help, refugee assistance, and anti-terrorism programs. The Secretary of State can still allow the aid anyway. The Secretary must tell Congress this waiver serves an important U.S. interest.

    Who this affects

    Foreign national governments that have extradition treaties with the United States, and people in those countries who rely on U.S. aid programs.

    Tradeoff

    This section pressures foreign governments to honor extradition requests, but it could also cut off aid that helps ordinary people in that country.

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    None of the funds appropriated in this Act may be used to provide assistance (other than funds provided under the headings National Security Investment Programs , International Humanitarian Assistance , International Narcotics Control and Law Enforcement , United States Emergency Refugee and Migration Assistance Fund , and Nonproliferation, Anti-terrorism, Demining and Related Assistance ) for the central government of a country which has notified the Department of State of its refusal to extradite to the United States any individual indicted for a criminal offense for which the maximum penalty is life imprisonment without the possibility of parole or for killing a law enforcement officer, as specified in a United States extradition request.

57. Rules for Enterprise Fund spending and closeouts

    This section sets rules for special accounts called Enterprise Funds. These funds use U.S. money to invest in projects overseas. Before the government gives money to one of these funds, it must tell Congress at least 15 days ahead. If a fund is closing down and splitting up its assets, the President must first send Congress a plan for how that will happen. If a fund plans to change into a private equity fund or a similar investment fund, the President must also send Congress a plan for that change first.

    Who this affects

    It affects Enterprise Funds that manage U.S. foreign aid investments, and the congressional committees that oversee them.

    Tradeoff

    This gives Congress more oversight and time to review these funds, but it can slow down how fast money moves or how quickly a fund can close or change.

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    None of the funds made available under titles III through VI of this Act may be made available for Enterprise Funds unless the appropriate congressional committees are notified at least 15 days in advance.

58. Ban on funding for the United Nations Population Fund and abortion-related rules

    This section blocks money in this bill from going to the United Nations Population Fund. That group works on family planning and health programs worldwide. The section also says certain foreign aid funds cannot be used in ways that break a federal rule called 'Protecting Life in Foreign Assistance.' This rule limits U.S. foreign aid from supporting abortion-related activities. The rule applies to several aid programs, like anti-drug efforts, anti-terrorism work, peacekeeping, and international organizations.

    Who this affects

    The United Nations Population Fund, foreign aid groups, and countries that receive U.S. security or health assistance.

    Tradeoff

    Supporters say this keeps U.S. money away from abortion-linked programs, while critics say it may cut funding for family planning and health services abroad.

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    None of the funds appropriated or otherwise made available by this Act may be made available for the United Nations Population Fund.

59. Global health funding rules and disease outbreak response

    This section sets rules for U.S. money spent on global health programs. It lets some HIV/AIDS and child health funds skip certain legal limits, but not the main HIV/AIDS law. It caps family planning and reproductive health spending at $461 million. It also sets up money for fighting disease outbreaks. Up to $200 million can be used if a disease outbreak becomes severe and spreads across countries. Up to $50 million can go into an emergency reserve fund for health crises. The government must tell Congress how it plans to use this money. Finally, the section blocks funding for specific groups. These include the Wuhan Institute of Virology, EcoHealth Alliance, and labs run by certain foreign governments. It also bans funding for gain-of-function research, which is research that makes germs more dangerous or infectious.

    Who this affects

    This affects U.S. global health agencies, foreign governments receiving health aid, and research groups like the Wuhan Institute of Virology and EcoHealth Alliance. It also affects people in countries that get U.S. help fighting disease outbreaks.

    Tradeoff

    The rules give officials flexible money to respond fast to disease outbreaks, but the funding limits and bans on certain labs and research may also block some scientific cooperation that could help detect future diseases.

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    not more than $461,000,000 may be made available for family planning/reproductive health

60. Funding for women's global rights and empowerment programs

    This section sets aside money for programs that help women and girls around the world. It gives $150 million to boost women's economic chances, like owning businesses and getting loans. It gives at least $37.5 million to a leadership program named after Madeleine Albright. This helps women gain political power in countries where they face discrimination. It sets aside at least $187.5 million to prevent and respond to violence against women and girls. This includes child marriage, rape, and genital cutting. It also asks for $112.5 million to help women take part in peace talks and rebuilding after conflicts. The section also blocks all funding for one specific program, called the Gender Equity and Equality Action Fund.

    Who this affects

    Women and girls in other countries who receive U.S. aid, foreign governments and organizations that get this funding, and U.S. agencies like the State Department that run these programs.

    Tradeoff

    This spending supports women's rights and safety abroad, but it uses federal money that could go to other foreign aid goals, and it specifically bans funding for one existing gender equity program.

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    Of the funds appropriated under title III of this Act, $150,000,000 shall be made available to expand economic opportunities for women by increasing the number and capacity of women-owned enterprises, improving property rights for women, increasing women's access to financial services and capital

61. Foreign aid spending rules for education, conservation, and other global programs

    This section sets minimum funding levels for several foreign aid programs. It requires at least $691.5 million for basic education abroad and $203.25 million for higher education programs. It sets aside money for wildlife conservation and anti-poaching efforts, including $274.3 million for biodiversity programs. It requires $720 million for food security and farming programs overseas. It sets $105.6 million for anti-trafficking programs and $338.25 million for clean water and sanitation projects, with half going to sub-Saharan Africa. The section also lets the Secretary of State spend up to 20 percent less than these minimums in urgent situations, but only after telling Congress.

    Who this affects

    This affects U.S. foreign aid agencies, international partner organizations, and people in developing countries who receive this aid.

    Tradeoff

    Setting fixed minimum funding levels guarantees support for these programs, but it also limits the government's flexibility to shift money to other priorities.

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    Of the funds appropriated under title III of this Act, not less than $691,500,000 shall be made available for the Nita M. Lowey Basic Education Fund: Provided, That such funds shall also be used for secondary education activities.

62. Limits on climate funding and pipeline actions

    This section blocks federal money in this law from going to certain climate programs. It bans funds for the Green Climate Fund, the Clean Technology Fund, and the Loss and Damages Fund. It also blocks payments to any country or group for climate-related losses. The money cannot be used to carry out the Paris Agreement. It also cannot support a carbon tax. A second part deals with oil and gas pipelines. It says the Secretary of State cannot use these funds to block hydrocarbons moving through pipelines between the U.S. and Canada. This follows a 1977 U.S.-Canada pipeline agreement.

    Who this affects

    This affects the State Department, U.S. foreign aid programs, international climate funds, and cross-border pipeline operations between the U.S. and Canada.

    Tradeoff

    Blocking this funding limits U.S. support for global climate efforts, but it also keeps that money from being spent on programs some officials see as outside U.S. priorities.

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    None of the funds appropriated by this Act may made available in contravention of Executive Order 14162, relating to Putting America First in International Environmental Agreements

63. Reporting rules for spending plans

    This section makes federal agencies explain how they will spend their money. Within 45 days, agencies must send Congress a detailed plan for their funds. The plan must show program-by-program spending. It must also compare planned spending to past funding levels. The Secretary of State must send more detailed spend plans within 180 days. These cover specific programs, like aid to Pacific Islands countries, Nigeria, and Colombia. They also cover security programs in the Caribbean, Central America, and other regions. The Secretary of the Treasury must send a spend plan within 90 days. This covers Treasury's international assistance programs. The section also says these spend plans do not count as official notice to Congress under other laws. Finally, it sets a deadline for the yearly budget justification document. That document must arrive when the President sends the 2028 budget to Congress.

    Who this affects

    This affects federal agencies that get money from this bill, especially the State Department and Treasury Department. It also affects Congress, which reviews these spending reports.

    Tradeoff

    Detailed reporting gives Congress more oversight of how money is spent, but it adds paperwork and deadlines for agencies to meet.

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    Not later than 45 days after the date of enactment of this Act, each department, agency, or organization funded in titles I, II, and VI of this Act, and the Department of the Treasury and Independent Agencies funded in title III of this Act, shall submit to the Committees on Appropriations an operating plan for funds appropriated to such department, agency, or organization in such titles of this Act, or funds otherwise available for obligation in fiscal year 2027, that provides details of the uses of such funds at the program, project, and activity level

64. Rules for reorganizing State Department and security agencies

    This section controls how the State Department and other national security agencies can reorganize themselves. Before making big changes, agency leaders must first talk with Congress. Big changes include growing, cutting, or merging offices and bureaus. It also covers closing or opening overseas offices and embassies. It covers changing staff numbers for workers, both American and locally hired. Agencies must send formal notices to Congress with details explaining the planned changes. Notices sent in past years for similar plans can sometimes count toward this rule.

    Who this affects

    This affects State Department leaders, other national security agency heads, Congress, and federal workers overseas and at home.

    Tradeoff

    This gives Congress more oversight and control over agency changes, but it can slow down agencies that want to reorganize quickly.

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    Funds appropriated by this Act, prior Acts making appropriations for national security, Department of State, and related programs, or any other Act may not be used to implement a reorganization, redesign, or other plan described in subsection (b) by the Department of State or any other Federal department, agency, or organization funded by this Act without prior consultation by the head of such department, agency, or organization with the appropriate congressional committees

65. State Department money rules and oversight

    This section sets rules for how the State Department spends and tracks its money. It says any new service centers paid for by a special fund must be reported to Congress first. Department offices must prove they follow financial rules within 45 days of getting funds. If an office cannot prove this, it must submit a plan to fix the problem. The section also allows small amounts of money from fees (like passport fees, English teaching programs, and Blair House use) to be added to the budget. It sets a limit of $25 million for U.S. exhibits at international fairs. It blocks funding for new special envoy or representative jobs unless Congress approves them by law or Senate vote. Finally, it lets public libraries become passport acceptance sites and keep the fee they collect.

    Who this affects

    State Department offices and bureaus, Congress's oversight committees, and public libraries that want to process passports.

    Tradeoff

    The rules increase oversight and accountability, but they also add paperwork and reporting steps that can slow down how fast money gets used.

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    Not later than 45 days after the initial obligation of funds appropriated under titles III and IV of this Act that are made available to a Department of State bureau or office with responsibility for the management and oversight of such funds, the Secretary of State shall certify and report to the Committees on Appropriations, on an individual bureau or office basis, that such bureau or office is in compliance with Department and Federal financial and grants management policies, procedures, and regulations, as applicable.

66. Emergency staffing for foreign disasters and crises

    This section lets the government use foreign aid money to hire and pay extra staff for emergencies. These workers respond to natural disasters or man-made disasters overseas. It also lets the Secretary of State use special hiring rules for personal service agreements. It also allows quick hiring of staff to handle foreign crises or unstable situations. Any staff hired this way must work only on tasks tied to the original purpose of the money. This funding is on top of money already set aside for these jobs.

    Who this affects

    State Department and foreign aid agencies, workers hired for disaster and crisis response, and people in countries facing disasters or instability.

    Tradeoff

    This lets the government respond faster to crises with more staff, but it also gives officials more flexibility to hire outside normal hiring rules.

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    Funds appropriated under title III of this Act to carry out part I of the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961, may be used, in addition to funds otherwise available for such purposes, for the cost (including the support costs) of individuals whose primary responsibility is to carry out programs in response to natural disasters or man-made disasters, subject to the regular notification procedures of the Committees on Appropriations.

67. America First Opportunity Fund

    This section creates a special fund called the America First Opportunity Fund. Up to $1,500,000,000 can go into it. The money comes from four existing foreign aid and security accounts. The fund can pay for many things. It can respond to crises overseas. It can support partner countries. It can also counter threats from rival nations. Money moved into this fund can be shifted between the four accounts. This is on top of normal transfer rules. The Committees on Appropriations must get notice first. The money can be spent until September 30, 2029. The Secretary of State must talk with Congress about how the money will be split. This talk must happen at least 30 days before the money is first spent.

    Who this affects

    This affects the State Department, foreign governments receiving U.S. aid or military help, and Congress members who oversee spending.

    Tradeoff

    The fund gives the Secretary of State flexibility to respond fast to world events, but it also reduces Congress's usual detailed control over exactly how this money gets spent.

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    up to $1,500,000,000 may be made available for the America First Opportunity Fund to furnish assistance that makes America safer, stronger, and more prosperous by responding to crises, engaging proactively with strategic partners, and countering threats from adversaries.

68. Rules on flags, DEI, gender topics, and other policy limits at the State Department

    This section places many limits on how State Department money can be spent. It says only certain flags can fly at State Department buildings, like the U.S. flag, the POW/MIA flag, and state flags. It blocks funding for training that teaches certain ideas about race or sex, including the idea that the U.S. is systemically racist or sexist. It also blocks funds from going against several executive orders on diversity programs, hiring practices, and other topics. It stops money from supporting groups that promote or provide sex change surgeries or puberty-blocking medication for minors. It bans funding for COVID-19 mask or vaccine mandates. It also bans maps that do not call the Gulf of Mexico the 'Gulf of America.' Finally, it protects people from being denied federal benefits, jobs, or tax status because they believe marriage is between one man and one woman.

    Who this affects

    State Department staff, contractors, and grant recipients. It also affects foreign aid programs, nonprofits, and any group receiving State Department funds.

    Tradeoff

    These rules limit certain diversity, gender, and health-related programs and speech, which supporters see as protecting neutrality and religious freedom, but critics may see as restricting inclusion efforts and scientific or medical practices.

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    None of the funds appropriated or otherwise made available by this Act may be obligated or expended to fly or display a flag over a facility of the United States Department of State other than the— (1) United States flag...

69. Canceling unused foreign aid money

    This section cancels leftover money from past budget years. The money had been set aside but not yet spent. It comes from three programs. These are consular and border security programs, international disaster assistance, and the Millennium Challenge Corporation. In total, the section cancels about $1.8 billion. This money can never be spent on these programs again. But the section says lawmakers cannot cancel money that Congress had already marked as emergency funding.

    Who this affects

    This affects the State Department, the Millennium Challenge Corporation, and groups that rely on U.S. disaster aid or border security funding abroad.

    Tradeoff

    Canceling this unused money can reduce federal spending, but it also means less money is available for future border security work, disaster relief, or foreign aid projects.

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    Of the unobligated balances from amounts made available under the heading International Disaster Assistance from prior Acts making appropriations for national security, Department of State, and related programs, $1,000,000,000 are permanently rescinded.

70. Ban on funding foreign speech restrictions

    This section blocks money in this bill from being used to limit lawful online speech. Agencies cannot pay to deplatform, demonetize, or suppress lawful posts, accounts, or news outlets. They also cannot push social media companies, foreign governments, or regulators to punish speech that would be legal in the United States. This includes programs on misinformation, disinformation, hate speech, or trust and safety if they end up punishing US tech companies for hosting protected speech. Agencies also cannot help write or enforce foreign laws that punish US platforms for content protected by the First Amendment. There is an exception. Agencies can still fund work on real crimes, like terrorism, spying, sanctions evasion, child abuse material, or human trafficking. Every 120 days, agencies must report to Congress on any grants or contracts that touch these topics. If reporting could endanger people working in dangerous areas, they can use anonymous records instead.

    Who this affects

    US and foreign social media companies, news outlets, federal agencies funded by this bill, and foreign governments or regulators that work with US agencies on online content rules.

    Tradeoff

    The rule aims to protect lawful speech from government-funded pressure, but it may also limit efforts to fight real disinformation or coordinate with allies on online safety issues.

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    None of the funds appropriated or otherwise made available by this Act, or prior Acts making appropriations for national security, Department of State, and related programs, may be made available, directly or indirectly, to carry out any activity the purpose of which is to— (1) deplatform, deboost, demonetize, suppress, or otherwise penalize what in the United States would constitute lawful online speech, a lawful news outlet, or lawful social media account activity

71. Blocking sanctions relief for people tied to child trafficking

    This section limits how the government can remove sanctions. It applies to people accused of child trafficking. There must be credible evidence against them. This evidence must come from a federal agency or a court. The government cannot lift sanctions on these people using money from this law. There is one exception. The Secretary of State can allow it. But they must tell Congress in writing first. They must do this 60 days before lifting the sanctions. They must explain why it is needed for national security.

    Who this affects

    This affects people under U.S. sanctions who are linked to child trafficking claims. It also affects the Secretary of State and Congress, who must review any sanctions removal.

    Tradeoff

    This rule adds a strong check against removing sanctions on suspected traffickers, but it also lets the Secretary of State bypass this check for national security reasons.

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    None of the funds in this Act shall be used to remove or waive sanctions imposed on an individual against whom credible allegations of child trafficking exist, as determined by the Office of Foreign Assets Control or a Federal court of competent jurisdiction, unless the Secretary of State has certified in writing to the Committees on Appropriations not less than 60 days in advance of sanctions removal that this waiver is necessary for the national security of the United States, and provided written justification of this certification.

72. Naming the act

    This section gives the law its official name. It is called the National Security, Department of State, and Related Programs Appropriations Act, 2027. This section does not spend any money. It just sets the title people will use to talk about the law.

    Who this affects

    This does not directly affect anyone. It helps officials, agencies, and the public refer to the law correctly.

    Tradeoff

    There is no real tradeoff since this section only names the act and has no funding or policy effect.

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    This Act may be cited as the National Security, Department of State, and Related Programs Appropriations Act, 2027 .